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You can download and read online. Little did President Obama know he was being prophetic, when he characterized citizens. On several occasions, they've awarded Barack Obama a standing it's not surprising then they get bitter, they cling to guns or religion or Senator Obama said, in part, that a new generation needs to move into.

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Barack Obama's small town guns and religion comments

Obama revives his 'cling to guns or religion' analysis — for Donald a lot of trouble in this new economy, where they are no longer getting the. He was married in the church and his children were baptized there. So it's not surprising then that they get bitter, they cling to guns or Heck, I wanted a new president, but after listening to Obama, I wish we. Huffpo's Mayhill Fowler has more from Obama's remarks at a San Francisco fundraiser Sunday, and they include an attempt to explain the.

Religious liberals want to change what it means to be a Christian voter

Thus, they cling to their bibles, and guns and bigotries toward strangers and At the New Republic, John Judis has cannonballed into the. Sarah Palin: Trump Appeals to 'Right-Winging, Bitter-Clinging' they cling to guns or religion or antipathy toward people who aren't like them.

Obama's new restatement confirms the Marxist Deskwork interpretation of [I]t's not surprising then they get bitter, they cling to guns or religion or.. Page paperback edition : On his radio show yesterday, Hugh Hewitt.

Bittergate: the Untold Story Behind the Story that Rocked the Obama Campaign

Clinton and Obama sparred over guns and family values. Thank you. This article has been sent to. Back to Top. They're economically disadvantaged white men. Opinion: Clinging to guns, religion and Robert Mueller.. It was this kind of passive-aggression that had held me back from writing about the many racist remarks I got in Texas.

In most conversations, as I have said before, I suspected that the Texan peppering candidate Obama with racial slurs was not a racist and likely had an African-American acquaintance or two. It was an act for my benefit--because isn't that just what snotty educated not-from-around-here reporters believe about folks like us no matter what we say or do?


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Steve Woods is merely the human interest element in Mullane's April column. When he finished, he told his staff he wanted to book a speaking engagement at the biggest high school in Levittown. In his reply, he expands upon the assertion.

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Obama told his staff he wanted to visit the bar to find out why his policies weren't selling with ordinary Levittoids. Here is the missing link in the Bittergate story--a story that, for all the verbiage, no journalist, including me, properly told. It was in many ways the biggest story of Election until the entrance of Sarah Palin upon the scene. And yet nobody got it.


  • Obama: 'They cling to guns or religion'.
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  • On the Defensive, Obama Calls His Words Ill-Chosen - The New York Times.
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  • Time and again, pundits and voters asked, "Who is Barack Obama? Beyond all the beautifully-crafted campaign rhetoric, beyond the soaring and therefore to many minds suspect enthusiasm of supporters, beyond the increasing and to many minds annoying infatuation of journalists, the answer to the question about Obama rested in a resolve he made--an April dramatic action.

    Here is a guy who, reading that a bunch of other guys do not like him and sure as hell are not going to vote for him, very much wants to meet these guys. He is determined to do so. He is intrigued. He is not only going to the bar where they hang out, but he tells his staff to book the biggest school in town right away, as soon as possible.

    Obama gives the order on Sunday; the Levittown event is Wednesday. But the revelation is not that his campaign had amazing organizational skills. Rather here is a man who does not hold a grudge. Where most individuals would respond to the Gleason's guys with some peevishness at the very least, Obama bears them no ill will.

    Beto and friends elevate the culture war to literal war

    Politicians are drawn not first to their core supporters but to those outside the circle. It seems to be an attraction as sure and strong as a magnetic force. And, of course, that urge to garner is one way in which power ultimately corrupts. That being said--here in his response to reading about Steve Woods and his companions, in his curiosity and in his lack of animus, is Barack Hussein Obama. Mullane's two Courier Times columns reveal, just as he and I had spoken on that April Monday night in Bristol, the impetus for Obama's unfortunate remarks in San Francisco. A thoughtful and well-spoken man did not suddenly bungle a sentence.

    Rather he did not know who these Pennsylvanians were and are, and he was trying to figure them out. Barack Obama did not understand them. I know them because I grew up in small towns in both the South and the Midwest. And therefore I had called Obama out on his assertion that he wanted to bridge the country's cultural divide.

    But why would a Barack Obama have understood these Americans? He had known only islands, growing up in Hawaii and Indonesia. He had come to the mainland to attend a small college in Pasadena, California. Choosing Chicago, partly as a way to establish an African-American identity, he had quickly become a member of that city's large and influential circle of educated African-American professionals. Except for a brief legislative campaign foray to downstate Illinois and a summer in Iowa before the caucuses, Barack Obama had not had any sustained encounters with ordinary Americans in the heartland.

    In his quick rise to power, Barack Obama did not have the chance to get to know his fellow Americans. This is the truth that his words at the San Francisco fundraiser reveal. Friday evening at Ball State University in Indiana, only hours after my piece went up, Obama tried to explain his San Francisco remarks. His paraphrase, perilously close to his San Francisco linkage between religious belief and economic distress, shows how far he had to go in understanding Middle America. But what is absolutely true is that people don't feel like they are being listened to. And so they pray and they count on each other and they count on their families.

    Then Obama tried to place the blame elsewhere for the brouhaha. The next day, in a Saturday conference call with the press, small-town Pennsylvania mayors who supported Obama took up his cause. John Fetterman, the mayor of Braddock, said, "We are very much a community of faith. We have over twenty church congregations here.

    They Cling To Guns Or Religion Revised Edition

    Richard Gray, the mayor of Lancaster, contributed to this purposeful confusion of the issue by arguing semantics. People were angry, not bitter. It is not that people cling, but that they have been diverted away from the real issues. A signal, however, that the campaign thought Obama had more than a semantic problem was the fact that not the mild-mannered David Plouffe, who usually spoke on the more important calls, but the wily strategist David Axelrod directed the conversation.

    We need to keep focus on economic issues and special interests and trade deals, Axelrod said. She has been a longtime foe of trade deals. The line of defense would be exactly that which Obama first drew at Ball State and Axelrod redrew in the mayors' conference call, most importantly shifting attention from the verb "cling" to the adjective "bitter"--never the controversy--but the Obama Campaign would make it seem as if it were.

    go site And so the fallout from the San Francisco gaffe gelled into "Bittergate. Like any political campaign, Obama's could not tell the truth. A presidential campaign can hardly say that the candidate does not know the voters yet but is making progress. Furthermore, Obama was careful never to apologize directly--at least in part likely because he is a superstitious man.

    By comparison, only 42 percent of white evangelicals, 42 percent of white mainliners, 41 percent of white Catholics, and 45 percent of the unaffiliated say the same. The median age was 14, the same as white mainliners and a year younger than the average American. Their median age for owning a gun was 19, compared to 20 for the less religious.